It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Abraham Lincoln. The Gettysburg Address
Mucha tinta ha corrido para analizar, criticar and rethink the post-dictatorship Chilean political model, but the arguments are always accommodating when it comes to taking stock of a democracy whose main objective is to maintain social stability and the balance between the only two clusters that can be electoral contest a place in the political space : the Concertación and the Alliance. The logic of the binomial accepted unconditionally by both coalitions in the process of negotiations that would ensure civilized and peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy further reinforced the logic of a bipolar democracy, excluding a sector at that time left had validated all forms of struggle against the military-civilian regime.
Currently, when the coalition fighting against his own decline while trying to appear as a competition open to the public, the contradictions of the Chilean political model are evident. Democrat Senator Ignacio Walker, called the Coalition reestablish appealing to their ability to "interpret and represent a new social and political majority, with a clear majority and government." As well as charting his words, cluster feeds concertacionista permanently self-congratulatory speech that appeals to their supposed ability to represent the public. The funny thing is that Senator Walker brings up that vocation citizens in a time of apparent dissolution; a few days after the Radical Party announced its intention to open a dialogue with those parties and movements that do not want to orbit around the opinions of a force center as the Christian Democrats. The radicals will build a Broad Opposition Front has awakened from slumber to the most reactionary of the DC, especially after José Antonio Gómez-president of PR-given by the Coalition overcome.
This historic moment is particularly interesting, since the coalition out of power, the binomial system begins to show its cracks and absolute abnormality. Thus the words of Senator Walker in defense of the current political system become symptomatic when he argues that "The Coalition is a compact center that is expressed in the convergence between Christian democracy and democratic socialism. It is the abandonment of the politics of the three-thirds did so much damage to Chile in the midst of the upheavals of the Cold War, the polarization and misunderstanding that led to the breakdown of democracy and dictatorship. "The trial blinded to the model of Walker three thirds not as responsive to his job as a political scientist and the fear aroused by the possibility of a realignment of parties in the coalition times opposition starts an irreversible process of dissolution. But reading Walker also reminds us of the historical manipulation of post-dictatorial Chile's speech concertacionista has built over two decades. The argument is as follows: the coalition channeled the rejection of the Chilean dictatorship and ensured a peaceful transition to democracy, then, left four governments and indicted allegedly successful economic modernization process in line with the needs of the nation.
As we wrote Orwell's 1984 , "In times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." That is why this critical juncture requires historians and politicians to rethink the courses of a democratization process that was based on the exclusion of dissent, negotiating behind the backs of citizens and the legitimacy of a model neoliberal economic. Just remember that before the plebiscite of 1988, a sector of the Democratic Alliance then decided to exclude a left-sector dialogue difficult and impossible to complete the negotiations with the government of Pinochet. As is known, the conditions for the return to democracy were established by the same dictatorship and accepted by the top leadership of the current Conclusion. The exclusion of the left joined the distrust who viewed with suspicion negotiations with the dictatorship and the dubious triumph of Patricio Aylwin in the pre-electoral contest was capped with the naive enthusiasm of the return to democracy.
Against this background, it is not uncommon for most recalcitrant Concertación democracy conceived as an effect of homogeneity. But most worrying of this vision is that the democratic ideal is based on the exclusion of everything that is opposed or questioned the proposed policy homage. Assume, as the ruling coalition usually do, which can only be build a democracy excluding the heterogeneity that constitutes the social world is a political fiction that neither the moral monopoly on human rights and progressivism can sustain.
not create a social democracy excluding the complexity of the political. It excludes the complexity to every democracy has, states that the idea of \u200b\u200bpolitical equality is founded solely on a principle of identity and homogeneity. This pathological view of democracy in which political equality is confused with identity and the homogeneity it not only conceals the social and political reality much more complex than the bipolar world that moves the Chilean political system, but leaves the door open for the public to question the consistency of discourse and claim once and for all its sovereignty.
is not uncommon for one of the main leaders of the ruling coalition now point to the public as the only lifeline of a coalition that is slowly dissolving before our eyes. The strange thing is that if history shows us that citizenship was returned to democracy in the polls to trust his future to the coalition, it has ruled for four consecutive governments by the people, but without the people. Senator Walker's words are true political science reflects a commitment to read their own partisan causes and its historical interpretation is just an instinctive reaction of the disease that afflicts obscuring his coalition.
Currently, when the coalition fighting against his own decline while trying to appear as a competition open to the public, the contradictions of the Chilean political model are evident. Democrat Senator Ignacio Walker, called the Coalition reestablish appealing to their ability to "interpret and represent a new social and political majority, with a clear majority and government." As well as charting his words, cluster feeds concertacionista permanently self-congratulatory speech that appeals to their supposed ability to represent the public. The funny thing is that Senator Walker brings up that vocation citizens in a time of apparent dissolution; a few days after the Radical Party announced its intention to open a dialogue with those parties and movements that do not want to orbit around the opinions of a force center as the Christian Democrats. The radicals will build a Broad Opposition Front has awakened from slumber to the most reactionary of the DC, especially after José Antonio Gómez-president of PR-given by the Coalition overcome.
This historic moment is particularly interesting, since the coalition out of power, the binomial system begins to show its cracks and absolute abnormality. Thus the words of Senator Walker in defense of the current political system become symptomatic when he argues that "The Coalition is a compact center that is expressed in the convergence between Christian democracy and democratic socialism. It is the abandonment of the politics of the three-thirds did so much damage to Chile in the midst of the upheavals of the Cold War, the polarization and misunderstanding that led to the breakdown of democracy and dictatorship. "The trial blinded to the model of Walker three thirds not as responsive to his job as a political scientist and the fear aroused by the possibility of a realignment of parties in the coalition times opposition starts an irreversible process of dissolution. But reading Walker also reminds us of the historical manipulation of post-dictatorial Chile's speech concertacionista has built over two decades. The argument is as follows: the coalition channeled the rejection of the Chilean dictatorship and ensured a peaceful transition to democracy, then, left four governments and indicted allegedly successful economic modernization process in line with the needs of the nation.
As we wrote Orwell's 1984 , "In times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." That is why this critical juncture requires historians and politicians to rethink the courses of a democratization process that was based on the exclusion of dissent, negotiating behind the backs of citizens and the legitimacy of a model neoliberal economic. Just remember that before the plebiscite of 1988, a sector of the Democratic Alliance then decided to exclude a left-sector dialogue difficult and impossible to complete the negotiations with the government of Pinochet. As is known, the conditions for the return to democracy were established by the same dictatorship and accepted by the top leadership of the current Conclusion. The exclusion of the left joined the distrust who viewed with suspicion negotiations with the dictatorship and the dubious triumph of Patricio Aylwin in the pre-electoral contest was capped with the naive enthusiasm of the return to democracy.
Against this background, it is not uncommon for most recalcitrant Concertación democracy conceived as an effect of homogeneity. But most worrying of this vision is that the democratic ideal is based on the exclusion of everything that is opposed or questioned the proposed policy homage. Assume, as the ruling coalition usually do, which can only be build a democracy excluding the heterogeneity that constitutes the social world is a political fiction that neither the moral monopoly on human rights and progressivism can sustain.
not create a social democracy excluding the complexity of the political. It excludes the complexity to every democracy has, states that the idea of \u200b\u200bpolitical equality is founded solely on a principle of identity and homogeneity. This pathological view of democracy in which political equality is confused with identity and the homogeneity it not only conceals the social and political reality much more complex than the bipolar world that moves the Chilean political system, but leaves the door open for the public to question the consistency of discourse and claim once and for all its sovereignty.
is not uncommon for one of the main leaders of the ruling coalition now point to the public as the only lifeline of a coalition that is slowly dissolving before our eyes. The strange thing is that if history shows us that citizenship was returned to democracy in the polls to trust his future to the coalition, it has ruled for four consecutive governments by the people, but without the people. Senator Walker's words are true political science reflects a commitment to read their own partisan causes and its historical interpretation is just an instinctive reaction of the disease that afflicts obscuring his coalition.
In this regard, the Coalition can only live on their own historical narrative as they do not have a social and political project beyond its aspiration to power. That's why Senator Walker made a historical interpretation to prevent the transformation of the conglomerate. And that is why some ruling coalition leaders and historians have made a systematic effort to coopt the recent history and then make it an official truth or a useful tool for their own interests (see hundred years of light and shadow , Santiago, Taurus, 2010; book compiles articles by Ricardo Lagos Escobar, Manuel Antonio Garreton, Sol Serrano, among others). Further proof is the official biography of former President Ricardo Lagos is currently writing a team of junior historians. These complex intersections between history and politics remind us that Orwell's lucid critique of totalitarian governments do to say that "Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past. " Fortunately, democracy, as others claim, is more than historical discourse on governance, is, as recalled by Pierre Rosanvallon in his chair at the Collège de France, the historical experience of a constantly changing political ideal which will always be the real engine sovereignty.
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